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The political crisis in Moldova
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On February 24, 2002 the deputies of the Christian-Democratic Peoples’ Party met in Chisinau with their voters. The rally was organized to review the results of the Communist’s one year governing. At the rally the leaders of the protestors read a list of authorities’ mistakes and failures, asked for their resignation and early parliamentary elections.
So far, it’s hard to imagine that the communists will give up the power so easily. Firstly, they were democratically elected and their rating is still very high. Secondly, during the April congress communists declared that their victory in elections was a victory of the world communist movement, and that their possible failure would be a demoralizing factor for the entire world movement. Thirdly, during the congress Moldovan communist leaders warned that they are ready to turn Moldova into a European Cuba, if their governing is at threat. It’s curious that last week, President Voronin insinuated that he is unsatisfied with Strasbourg officials, who fail to react to the protest rallies in Chisinau, which they label as illegal.
Also on February 24, 2002 the organization of a referendum on the revocation of the Bashkan Dumitru Croitor was thwarted in Gagauz-Yeri. Strangely enough, upon crisis the Gagauz leaders, who over the year demonstrated their strategic alliance with separatists in Tiraspol, turned for help to Strasbourg, claiming that democratic norms and the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova should be observed. The fact was appreciated on the Great National Assembly Square, when during the rally Christian-Democrats’ leader Iurie Rosca stressed the need of solidarity with national minorities in view of promoting democratic values.
This was the second blow on the minorities’ unconditional support to communists, after the leaders of the Ukrainian community expressed their doubts about communist authorities’ intention to declare Russian as a state language.
All those facts greatly damage the governing party’s image. Constitutional Court ruling outlawing Parliament decision on establishing early parliamentary elections brought to light the conflict between the President of the country, who asked for unconditional respect of the Court ruling, and the leader of the Communist parliament faction, Victor Stepaniuc, who stated that elections will still be conducted. It was obvious for a long time that Voronin and Stepaniuc have different points of view. The Presidency recognized that it was a mistake to approach in such a thoughtless manner the linguistic and history problems. Though, Stepaniuc stated that from a political point of view it is inadmissible to give up the said initiatives, even if they triggered the protest rallies. Another illustration of the is the President Voronin intention to edify an independent Republic of Moldova State, contested by Stepaniuc’s participation in the Congress of the NIS Communist Parties where at issue was the USSR restoration. And finally last week the new Editor-in-chief of the official newspaper Sovereign Moldova claimed that President Voronin intends to build neither communism nor socialism. This may demoralize party members who realize that their leaders are preoccupied by internal fights and consequently give up their ideals. Indeed, the party program specifically provides for the edification of the socialist society based on the Marxist-Leninist theory. Still a party scission benefits nobody. Without the support of the parliamentary faction, President Voronin found himself in the trap of the parliamentary republic set by his predecessor Petru Lucinschi. On the other hand, Communist extremist wing wouldn’t be able to survive politically without such a leader as Vladimir Voronin.
Political crisis is dramatically worsening also due to the fact that candidates to the Finance and Economy Ministers were not identified over the last month. The fact that even the so-called saboteurs refuse to be the scapegoats in the Tarlev Government is an indicator worth considering. Representatives of the international financial organizations have already made public their concern, as there is nobody to negotiate with the foreign debts and their restructuring. That is why, Prime Minister Tarlev himself could be the next victim. His resignation would bring new people in Government would deal exclusively with economics. Tarlev resignation may be presented as a yield to the protesters. As the political elite is aware of a possible financial collapse in the summer, it is very unlikely that it will be satisfied by some palliative measures. From this point of view, a possible persecution of the Christian-Democratic Peoples’ Party wouldn’t bring any advantages to the governors. The extra-parliamentary opposition might take the place of the Christian-democrats, asserting itself as the third force, which in order to overcome the conflict would call the people to express their will in early general elections. The problem is that early elections conducted based on the current full proportional system wouldn’t clear at all the political situation in the Republic of Moldova.