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Neither like Deng Xiaoping, nor like Charles de Gaulle — the battle goes on!
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The Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) has held a mad campaign in the last two weeks to persuade supporters that there is no other way but to lock up the election of chief of state and provoke early parliamentary elections. The campaign culminated with the PCRM-held protest meeting against governing of the Alliance for European Integration (AIE). The protest was occasioned by the October Revolution Day. Thus, the PCRM manifestation on November 7, 2009 was aimed to sweep out any doubt regarding the PCRM plans to lock up the November 10-scheduled election of chief of state.
It is worth noting the PCRM arguments for locking up the election of chief of state, bringing on the early parliamentary elections, and going into a new spiral of political confrontations:
- The components of the AIE majority faction did not want to negotiate a ruling centre-left coalition with the PCRM after the July 29, 2009 early parliamentary elections;
- An eventual election of AIE candidate Marian Lupu by communist parliamentarians would mean undermining and even killing the PCRM. This voting would justify Lupu’s withdrawal from PCRM and would encourage PCRM supporters to vote in the future the Democratic Party of Moldova (PDM) led by Marian Lupu;
- AIE leaders constantly threaten the former government representatives, leaders and members of PCRM to file criminal charges for alleged crimes and jail them, and this smells like blackmail rather than encourages cooperation aimed to relieve the election of the AEI candidate as chief of state;
- The staff policy of AIE is subordinated to the tough formula of the so-called representation algorithm, which could substitute public service professionals with algorithm-based party members. It seems that the invoked danger is not exaggerated, as removing and/or substituting unprofessional party members from governmental organs could stir up dissension among AIE and cause new institutional locks;
- AIE violates constitutional norms (according to PCRM, by 30 articles at once), reshapes the legislation the way it likes with the view to accomplish its immediate interests to the detriment of the public interest;
- AIE ignores social standards set during PCRM rule, giving up the periodical rise of wages and other social payments, while the incapacity of raising budgetary sources increases the cost of public services;
- AIE violates the media freedom principle, tending to eliminate the Russian-language press, and this could deteriorate interethnic relations in Moldova;
- AIE is going to withdraw the Republic of Moldova from CIS and annex it to NATO, Romania etc.
Many PCRM arguments mentioned above are effective, but many others are exaggerations aimed to justify the decision to lock up the election of chief of state. In this context, the AIE counter arguments are as follows:
- PCRM has deliberately turned down the invitation to dialogue made after AIE was constituted. PCRM alleged that did not believe in the existence of AIE that had to manifest in a certain manner while taking over the ruling levers, in order to make PCRM observe it adequately;
- Marian Lupu was nominated AIE candidate because surveys found out that he enjoys the highest confidence of people, inclusively of some PCRM supporters. By refusing to elect him as chief of state, PCRM balances the party interests against interests of the largest group of people;
- Invoking the AIE incapacity to maintain social standards set during PCRM governance is hypocrisy since AIE inherited from PCRM a huge budgetary hole and an economy which is on a 5–6-percent decline this year. In the same context, PCRM is reminded that it took over the ruling when the economy was following an increasing trend, immediately after the first year of 2-percent economic growth, in 2002;
- AIE rejects any accusations that it suppresses the media independence, assuring that it just relieves blockages and rectifies what was done deliberately to serve the PCRM interests during the communist governance. It means the substitution by PCRM of the principle sanctioned by Article 7 of the Audiovisual Code concerning the political-social equilibrium and pluralism with the propaganda of the PCRM-affiliated “media holding” which keeps working;
- As well, AIE rejects accusations that it would limit the release of Russian-language information, assuring that it sanctions all broadcasters which breach the Aufiovisual Code, regardless of their language. In this context, PCRM is recalled that while ruling the country it sanctioned and aggrieved Russian-language publications because of their uncomfortable policy. In addition, PCRM violated the rights of the organisation “Russia’s Friends in Moldova” while ruling the country, halting more than once the efforts of this organisation to get registered;
- As regards the AIE attitude towards CIS, NATO and Romania, the PCRM interprets the things the way it likes in the light of its propaganda against AIE, not based on the objective reality. At external level, AIE is trying to replace the mock of European integration with a real process, normalise relations with Romania, recover relations with Ukraine and reshape relations with Russia, given that the Russian embargo on Moldovan wine production introduced in 2005 after the degradation of bilateral ties destroyed in fact the Moldovan winemaking and vine growing industry etc.
There is no doubt that after eight years of governance the PCRM is to blame for the deeply antagonised condition of local political forces and polarisation of society on the basis of the signalled antagonisms. PCRM leader Vladimir Voronin himself has publicly ceased the “political partisanship” after failing the June 2007 local elections, declaring in fact a “political war”. Consequences of that “war” run into the April 7, 2009 tragic events as well. The PCRM leader declared the July 29, 2009 early parliamentary elections as a plebiscite that Vladimir Voronin has lost.
Before April 7, 2009, PCRM leader Vladimir Voronin enjoyed the wonderful opportunity to make his public dream of becoming a kind of Deng Xiaoping of the Republic of Moldova come true. But he was unable to overcome reflexes and achieve this dream. After the July 29, 2009 “plebiscite” Vladimir Voronin enjoyed the wonderful opportunity to follow the example of Charles de Gaulle but he failed again. During the November 7 protest meeting, accompanied by the song “The battle goes on”, PCRM leader Vladimir Voronin explained his feelings — he is sore that his party has lost the ruling levers. According to Voronin, provoking early parliamentary elections is now the only way to regain political power and restore the democratic and social standards built during the PCRM ruling.
In this framework, the AIE conduct does not wake up any admiration. It seems that AIE treats PCRM accordingly to the proverb: “what you sow is what you will harvest”. This is not the most promising treatment, but it goes out from the threat to provoke early elections — the PCRM “will harvest storm, if it keeps planting wind”.
There is no doubt that both PCRM representatives and AIE members love their country, especially when they rule it. But pity of the Republic of Moldova!